Avbryt Send e-post. Young Chinese in Urban China Alex Cockain This book examines the condition of being a young person in China and the way in which changes in various dimensions of urban life have affected Chinese youths' quests to understand themselves. The author examines social factors such as changes in the physical construction of urban neighbourhoods; changes in family life including reduced family size, increasing rates of divorce and increased physical mobility of the family unit; school life and mounting pressure to perform well in examinations and be a good student; access to foreign and domestic media as well as access to the internet.
Les mer. Om boka This book examines the condition of being a young person in China and the way in which changes in various dimensions of urban life have affected Chinese youths' quests to understand themselves. The urban population of the world has been growing rapidly since Following a long period of stagnation of the urbanisation process in mainland China, the country recently experienced a swift upturn in urbanisation, with the share of urban dwellers rising from just Today's China is not only the world's most populous nation of 1.
Rapid urbanisation in China has gone hand in hand with a truly meteoric rise in gross domestic product GDP , which multiplied 11 times between and , with an average growth rate of Between and , Chinese cities are projected to grow further by million dwellers. According to the National Development and Reform Commission NDRC, China's central planning agency , the country's small cities alone have expansion plans for housing 3.
And yet, this is exactly what this paper sets out to do. Our research aims are threefold. First, this paper proposes to expand the understanding of world urbanisation trends by uncovering a little known and poorly understood dimension of China's urban geography — that of urban population loss, its causes and preliminary consequences. Finally, by employing an economic geography perspective, the paper identifies the drivers of urban shrinkage in China and reflects upon its theoretical implications.
You-tien Hsing | Geography
The next section discusses central tenets of key urban growth theories in the context of China's complex transition from centralised planning to a socialist market economy. The paper then turns to the analysis of its substantive empirical findings, including the overall trajectories of urban shrinkage in China and its spatial distribution.
The paper then reveals four essentially intertwined drivers of urban population loss in China and concludes with a statement regarding the peculiarity of shrinkage in China, and its meaning for urban geography and public policy. First attempts at theorising a then newly emerging phenomenon of urban decline were made in the United States during the outburst of a fiscal crisis in New York City in Shefter, As emphasised by Cheshire and Hay , p.
Thirlwall, ; cf. Richardson, , pp.
This heuristic model itemises key global and regional drivers of urban shrinkage, including economic and demographic decline, suburbanisation, contentious territorial politics and natural environmental disasters, while highlighting their impact on the spatial urban development at the local scale. Population loss is regarded here as the key indicator of urban shrinkage, which, in turn, has a host of direct and indirect negative consequences.
As the model shows, urban shrinkage processes are cumulative and could accelerate as the result of an unfavourable governance response.
Thus, the impact on a shrinking city of public policies and private decisions taken or not by various local, regional, national and supranational actors cannot be overestimated. Consequently, the geographical political economic reading of Chinese capitalism raises an empirical question — does its variegated nature generate fundamentally dissimilar urbanisation processes at the local scale? Before we proceed, we need to define what we mean by the city in the Chinese context and to explain our methodology. This article focuses on population loss as the key indicator of urban shrinkage in China since Estimating the population size of a city using Hukou data includes many people who are registered but no longer live in the locale, and exclude those who live in the locale, but lack the local Hukou permit Chan, Such an exercise, however, presents a potentially insurmountable task, given that the detailed population breakdown figures below the town level, which would be necessary for defining its functional boundary, are not officially available, if at all.
Based on the available published population census data, this article has taken the following approach to estimate the population size of Chinese cities:. In the case of CLCs and 1, counties, we have found that UAs were scattered within the kernels of CLCs and across nearly 20, towns below the county level. The Census data only cover the mainland customs territory and exclude temporary foreign residents.
At the same time, the country has also experienced a loss of urban population across a growing number of UAs. Overall, while in the s, UAs or 6. The aggregate net urban population loss across China's shrinking cities has more than doubled, from 3.
The way we have defined city in the Chinese context allows this paper to analyse basic geographic attributes of shrinking cities in China, including the layout and patterns of population loss within each urban area in question. The other type is of partial shrinkage categories B—G , with some sections of the city shrinking and others growing coloured in black. Of note, category A is the least frequent type of Chinese urban shrinkage morphology.
Category C exclusively covers China's political, commercial and financial capitals. The third case, and the most common trajectory, was one of urban resurgence, in which Currently, more than half of the 84 million people inhabiting the west side of the Hu Line live in rural, relatively underdeveloped, poor areas. The corresponding figures for central China stood at 27 and In eastern China, the number of shrinking cities grew rather moderately from 32 in the s to 47 in the s.
This heuristic model does not answer this paper's research question in itself, but rather helps us to create the means to answer the question of urban shrinkage with Chinese characteristics through the prism of economic, demographic, environmental, political and administrative planning factors.
Economic decline, industrial restructuring and deindustrialisation — a localised decline in industrial activity — have long been considered a key driver of urban shrinkage across the West Oswalt, Nevertheless, as Rowthorn and Wells argued, deindustrialisation is not a negative event in itself, but is often an inevitable consequence of mechanisation and technological improvements, resulting in faster growth of labour productivity in manufacturing than in services.
Notably, deindustrialisation should not inevitably lead to local economic and population decline, if the rise of the tertiary service sector is sufficient to absorb the former industrial workforce. During China's transition from a centrally planned to a socialist market economy, these industrial cities have struggled to adapt to shifts in corporate governance structures, growing global competition and market demand preferences no longer being sustained by copious state orders. Many cities have had to engage in economic growth promotion that sometimes led to necessary capital investment for upgrading urban transport, information and communication technologies, city infrastructure and other fixed assets.
Young Chinese in Urban China
As a result, China's old industrial cities have experienced an unusual economic revival, with GDP and wage growth rates outstripping that of other cities He, Nevertheless, they have failed so far to reduce the overreliance of those urban economies on heavy industries Zhang, Instead of economic diversification, the role of heavy industries in China's old industrial cities has actually increased, reaching in At the same time, there has been little concerted effort to make these cities improve their relative appeal and become attractive locations to visit, and pleasant places to live, potentially failing to build a solid foundation for new economic growth.
Air pollution has greatly intensified, with coal import consumption increasing from At the same time, a considerable number of shrinking UAs have appeared in Guangdong — a prosperous and rapidly growing province, reportedly China's most attractive destination of interprovincial migration. We have also investigated the relationship between regional growth and urban shrinkage patterns.
Hence, neither the economic fortunes of a particular territory nor its regional growth model can provide an adequate explanation of China's divergent urban development. While the established urban shrinkage heuristics cannot help us here, the new economic geography NEG theory could.
NEG was first to theorise how — depending on transportation costs, economies of scale, and the share of manufacturing in national income — a country could evolve from initially having an even spatial distribution of economic activity into containing an industrialised urban core and an agricultural rural periphery Krugman, Therefore, China's new economic geography is rendered explicable through the functioning of agglomeration and urbanisation economies.
Chinese and foreign firms produce more efficiently, and migrant Chinese workers enjoy higher welfare nominal wages by being close to large foreign markets, while large urban areas close to the foreign markets are in turn those where more firms and workers locate Puga, Despite rapid growth, China's core—periphery development gap remains vast, with poor connectivity and accessibility hindering trade and foreign direct investment outside its major metropolitan areas on the eastern coast, and its provincial capitals.
It is contended that — if left to the play of market forces alone, with free and unrestricted capital, labour and land markets — the workings of agglomeration and urbanisation economies would have generated a far greater concentration of economic activity on China's eastern coast than is observed today Eggleston, Yet the political system and state institutions enjoy a much more central presence in Chinese societal development.
Moreover, some of the most spectacular instances of urban shrinkage in China have been the direct result of state intervention through programmes of planned resettlement. According to official estimates, about , households were displaced during urban regeneration in central Beijing in the s, with another , households relocated in the period — UCC, ; UPCB, As a result, local government in China has been directly incentivised to bring more land under its control through land grabbing Shin,